I had some cockamamie idea after reading Harper
Lee’s Go Set a Watchman that I would make some lucid comments about the
book. I was only nine years and many thousands of words too late. However, in
the several reviews and academic commentary, laboriously comparing it with To
Kill a Mockingbird, many pontificating in overwrought prose, I think most
of them missed the real theme. Wring their hands over early writing style and the
characters as much as they would like, the real story of Watchman is
Brown v. Board of Education, the impact that had on a way of life, ordinary
people, and how it changed them.
I was
there as a witness to those times as an immigrant to the South, fresh from
under the shadow of the Empire State Building. On the surface all was well,
unchanged for generations, but the Jim Crow south of separate but equal was
only on paper. In truth, the local high school serving blacks, Lucy Laney High,
in Augusta, was deplorable. I can only imagine the lack of resources and
teaching skills available to students. The separate public drinking fountains
and bathrooms in some stores were shabby at best, and blacks often had to enter
through a back door – if they were allowed in at all. Blacks lived in one
particular area of town, and the roads were the only ones not paved. Public
conveyance did accommodate them, however; how else were they going to get to
their jobs as maids and yardmen for white homes?
But
like Maycomb, there was enormous resistance to the concept of integrated
schools, complete with the same fears Harper Lee described. For many white
people, spoken only in trusted circles, they wanted blacks kept down, in their
place. For others, the benevolent ones, the common theme was ‘they are not
ready yet’. The fact is they had a point. The counterpoint was, if not given a
chance, would they ever be ‘ready’?
The
truth is many of that generation would never be ready, and in some communities
there would not be a leader to step up. Allow me to digress for a moment. When
Lyndon Johnson was crafting his legacy legislation to be presented as the Civil
Rights Act of 1964, he turned to his good friend, the highly influential Richard
Russell of Georgia, to help him bring in the southern votes in the Senate. Russell
couldn’t help. His comment: “They are
not ready yet”.
An objective reading of
Sherman’s act of giving ‘possessory title’ of 40 acres and a mule under
“Special Field Orders No.15” to newly freed slaves on the coast of Georgia, and
South Carolina is instructive. The program was a dismal failure, even though
much of the land was rich and fertile. Freedmen had no experience whatsoever in
making their own decisions, let alone the right ones to make a farm pay. Andrew
Johnson put a stop to it anyway. But the point is things did not get better for
rural folk. If they left the land and moved to town there were no services to
provide for them, schools to instruct them, jobs to pay them beyond being cooks,
cleaners, and yardman if they were lucky. They had no skills other than the
ability to tend a crop. There was no leadership, no conception of a democratic
process, and without money, no financial wherewithal. Worse, if the vote were available to them,
they voted as a bloc. In Harper Lee’s fictional account of the Maycomb Citizens
Council, as in real life in the rural south, there were frequently more blacks
than whites in a community. That alone caused angst. Now the Supreme Court had
ruled that schools nationwide were to be integrated.
Are
things better today? Maybe. Certainly at the civic level blacks are very active,
and in cities and towns across the south they are competently running political
subdivisions at all levels. Savannah’s black mayor is outstanding. He is in his second term, and many wish he
could continue on. As entrepreneurs,
corporate, professionals, and national political leaders, and in academia there
are no doubt growing numbers. That is a far cry from my time in graduate school
in the early 1970s, where there was only one.
In a business law class, he turned in a final paper with the title
spelled incorrectly. It was overlooked
by the professor. That happens even
today, as I can attest from my own experience as an academic. No one wants to
fail a black student. I remember clearly trying to convince one young black
lady, one of my best students, to leave our less than rigorous academic
environment for a challenging school. She needed it. She deserved it.
Today
in the south, in polite company, African Americans are spoken of as blacks, or
African Americans. Behind closed doors or locked in a private mind, a
distinction is often made between those blacks which are respected and liked on
an individual basis, and niggers.* Fuel
for this fire is a massive culture clash, and many whites cannot relate.
Although it is always
overlooked in these discussions, poor whites, (a.k.a. ‘white trash’,
‘rednecks’, ‘crackers’) indigent sharecroppers and tenant farmers, shared much
with poor, illiterate blacks, and their participation in civic life would be unwelcome,
and barely tolerated, if at all. That, of course, does not justify racial
discrimination, but it does suggest that these biases, so clearly hinted at in Watchman,
were, and still may be in some ways as much about class as about skin color.
Coda
For the uninitiated, Watchman
predates Mockingbird as a literary effort by Harper Lee. It was rejected
by her publisher, and she was urged to develop the characters in accordance
with flashbacks to a youthful Jean Louise (Scout). Unlike her masterpiece, set
in the 1930’s, Watchman was in the moment, placed shortly after the U.S.
Supreme Court ruled in a landmark case to desegregate schools; one more nail in
the states’ rights coffin. The turmoil and angst of the time was real. And the
‘Dixiecrats’, as they were known, began a unified flip to the Republican Party
across the southern tier of states. The lasting impact of that political shift
is another story.
In addition to my 68 years
of personal experience in this part of the world, there are some books from
which I further derive the right to comment on this touchy, complex subject. For those who wish to learn more from experts rather
than an observant octogenarian I have listed them below in no particular order.
They cover the times and the plights of both poor whites and blacks. Finally, it
goes without saying, if you haven’t read To Kill a Mockingbird yet, what
the hell have you been doing?
Non-Fiction
·
The Promised Land – Nicholas Lemann (the
great migration)
·
Now is the Time to Praise Famous Men – James
Agee and Walker Evans (sharecroppers)
·
Reconstruction: America's Unfinished
Revolution, 1863-1877 – Eric Fromer (academic)
·
Caste and Class in a Southern Town – John
Dollard (academic)
·
Battle Cry of Freedom, The Civil War Era
– James McPherson
·
The South and the Southerner – Ralph Mc
Gill
·
The Humane Propagandist – Roy Stryker
(extraordinary photograph of the Great Depression)
·
The Great Depression Photographs of Dorothea
Lange and Walker Evans – Library of Congress online
· The Warmth of Other Suns – Isabel Wilkerson (the great migration) - Sloppy and poorly written. The Promised Land is significantly better.
Fiction
·
The Sound and the Fury – Willam Faulkner
·
Their Eyes were Watching God – Zora Neal
Hurston
·
Go Tell it on the Mountain – James
Baldwin
·
Tobacco Road – Erskine Caldwell
·
The Heart is a Lonely Hunter – Carson
McCullers
* The word ‘nigger’ was not originally a pejorative
term. It described a job, a field hand.
In Britain, prior to WWII, its use was not uncommon. Two examples: Joseph
Conrad titled a story The Nigger of the Narcissus, and Agatha Christie
wrote Ten Little Niggers. When
this last book was released in the U. S. it was rebranded Ten Little
Indians, but in short order that was deemed politically incorrect as well,
and dropped for And then there were None.
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